Who Killed Heinz Krug? and Why It Matters: Part III

[This article is part of a series this week on the JFK assassination coinciding with our November 18 webinar entitled “New Evidence, Old Questions: The Latest Declassified JFK Files.” See Part 1 and Part II.—Editors]

Part 3: Israel’s Greatest Existential Threat

“Oh what a tangled web we weave, when first we practice to deceive.”

—Sir Walter Scott, “Marmion” (1808)

“Mountains of documents were created to confuse, mislead, and divert attention away from the true conspiracy that was linked to a covert paramilitary network operating in Dallas and linked directly to Otto Skorzeny.”

—Major Ralph P. Ganis (regarding the Church Committee)

Four days after journalists Raviv and Melman presented their engrossing story of the 1962 recruitment of former Waffen-SS Colonel Otto Skorzeny to provide information about, and additionally kill, his friend Heinz Krug in Munich, Emma Barnett wrote a brief article for the London Telegraph (March 31, 2016) in which she breezily reports on Rafi Eitan’s recent revelation that the Mossad hired Nazi Otto Skorzeny in 1962 “to achieve some of its goals,” including killing Heinz Krug.

She admits that “ruthless doesn’t quite cover Israel’s modus operandi to survive. We don’t know the half of how its government used and abused Nazis immediately after the war to achieve its raison d’etre: the safety of its people (the majority of whom had reached its shores through unimaginable persecution).” She urges Steven Spielberg to “snap up the film rights.”

Comment: How could Spielberg have missed this one? Blockbusters that have misdirected people about the JFK assassination include Exodus, The Godfather, Topaz, and JFK. But that is another story.

The year 2018 was big for narratives concerning Mossad’s use of Skorzeny. The first appeared in January when Efraim Zuroff, chief Nazi hunter of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, revealed in the Jerusalem Post that there had been a secret meeting of the defense agency committee in January 1964 between Mossad head Meir Amit and his Nazi-hunting group, Amal, represented by Rafi Meidan. The group prepared a list of top-ten Nazi war criminals. Otto Skorzeny was not on it. Zuroff wrote: Amit “was not enthusiastic at all about hunting Nazis, preferring to focus on Israel’s contemporary problems.”

Comment: This secret meeting was held just two months after the JFK assassination. Skorzeny, formerly a highly sought Nazi war criminal and never removed from the Wiesenthal list, is conspicuously absent from the new Mossad Amalek list. Note that Mossad chief Amit did his graduate studies in New York and that Rafi Meidan, undercover at the UN, was in contact with CIA Secret Service “policeman” and organized crime liaison Joseph Shimon as early as 1958.

The most important material released regarding Skorzeny in 2018 was The Skorzeny Papers: Evidence for the Plot to Kill JFK by Major Ralph P. Ganis (Skyhorse). Because of its importance, the general content was discussed in Part 1 of this series; for details, read the book.

Ganis’s book primarily concerns business evidence for Skorzeny being the producer and executor of President Kennedy’s assassination. The work is tremendously persuasive, though underappreciated. Skorzeny’s private paramilitary group worked as a cutout for various organizations, including the OAS and the CIA. It is not clear from the papers who hired Skorzeny to kill Kennedy.

Israel is far from implicated in Ganis’s own speculation. U.S. intelligence and military people are frequently mentioned as Skorzeny’s most regular contacts. Parts of the CIA and U.S. military, organized crime, and terrorist elements everywhere intersect with Skorzeny’s operations.

Ganis writes that J. J. Angleton was Skorzeny’s handler in the CIA. Former Deputy CIA Director Victor Marchetti, David Talbot, and others attest to Angleton’s and Mossad’s extreme influence in the United States. Angleton was solely in charge of the Israel desk since the 1950s, and “in 1962 [Angleton] was made aware of an Israeli intelligence plan to use Skorzeny in a clandestine operation designed to shut down Egypt’s rocket program”(Ganis, p. 186, my italics). All sources describe the recruitment, whenever it first occurred, as directly between Mossad and Skorzeny and not mediated by any other country or agency.

Ganis’s recruitment story echoes the 1989 report by Matara and Yedioth Ahronoth that Skorzeny was approached in Spain (implied as 1962) by two Mossad agents, one being “their best Mossad agent, Rafi Eitan” and an unnamed other, who pretended to be NATO officers. Skorzeny accepted their offer immediately. The only payment he asked for was to have his memoirs published in Israel. There is no mention of Wiesenthal. Ganis makes a point of saying that Skorzeny never went to Israel at any time. He says Skorzeny briefly went to Egypt to set up his unnamed network. Ganis ends the discussion by stating, “There is more to the story that will be elaborated on at a future time.” Ganis has withdrawn from the Kennedy assassination discussion.

In 1961 the CIA under Allen Dulles proposed using Skorzeny’s Paladin team in a commando operation to assassinate Fidel Castro, Raul Castro and Che Guevara. President Kennedy nixed it.

In 1962 Skorzeny was very busy. In addition to being contacted by Mossad, he was working on Lumumba’s murder in Africa and a nearly successful OAS assassination of French President Charles de Gaulle. In February and April 1963, when many report he was recruited for Mossad, he was also spending time in the Canary Islands and Lisbon with the OAS sniper leader, Captain Jean Souetre.

The CIA was now headed by Kennedy’s appointee, AEC Chairman and nuclear non-proliferationist John McCone, who recommended sanctioning Israel over nuclear weapons preparations. (McCone in 1960 had leaked information about Israel’s Dimona nuclear weapons plant to the New York Times. In this regard, he was Kennedy’s man.)

At a meeting between the local CIA chief and Souetre in Portugal, the CIA, under this new administration, refused funding another OAS assassination attempt on de Gaulle. Souetre continued to work as a sniper trainer and team leader for Skorzeny, according to Ganis.

Comment: It would be extremely useful to know whom Skorzeny contacted in 1962 in Egypt.

Israeli reporter and now respected historian Ronen Bergman had been working on Israeli intelligence history since 2010, and in 2018 he described the use of Skorzeny by Mossad in Rise and Kill First (Random House), which was heavily promoted in mainstream media.

A lot of what Bergman has to say about the Israeli Skorzeny recruitment is original to him. He says his work is based on thousands of personal interviews, as Israeli intelligence documents must remain secret for at least 70 years.

Bergman introduces his work on Israeli targeted assassinations with the assertion that Israel’s leaders, to defend their nation’s security, “out of all the options, have…decided on clandestine operations, with assassination the method of choice,” and “they have developed the most robust, streamlined assassination machine in history.”

Bergman writes that, in July 1962 when Egypt announced it had surface-to-air missiles to “retake the homeland that was stolen as part of imperialist and Zionist plots…Ben-Gurion again and again spoke of the nightmare that kept him awake at night.” Mossad chief Harel decided to assassinate the top scientists, although Bergman claims the German scientists in Egypt were not Nazis and were not recruited by Egypt but offered themselves because they were unemployed.

There is no mention of Skorzeny at this time other than Avraham Ahituv saying that, in 1960, Mossad chief Harel gathered information on war criminal Otto Skorzeny in order to capture him as part of the Nazi hunt. (Others stress that Harel was scrupulous about avoiding assassinations and that he only hunted Eichmann to bring him to trial, not to kill him.)

Bergman writes of the abduction of Krug that, in September 1962, Mossad agents, including Harel himself and someone called Oded, set up a meeting with Krug. “Oded” was born in Iraq and could easily pass for an Arab. Oded and Harel kidnapped Krug and drove him to France and from there to Tel Aviv. Mossad got information from him, shot him, and dumped his body at sea.

No mention of Skorzeny. Thereafter, Ben-Gurion used the military intelligence service Aman (headed by Amit) rather than the Mossad (then headed by Harel) to do more (unspecified) targeted killings.

After several more (unspecified) Israeli attacks on German scientists, the Egyptians in November 1962 hired someone named Hermann Vallentin to provide security. By spring 1963 the attempts to intimidate German scientists to quit had not proved very successful.

In late spring 1964, joint Mossad/IDF chief Amit decided to send Rafi Eitan to Paris to figure out what to do about the Egyptian security head. It is Ahituv who suggested using Skorzeny as an intermediary because Skorzeny personally knew the scientists.

Amal head Rafi Meidan was “assigned to the mission” of the actual recruitment. In July 1964 he set up a meeting with Skorzeny’s wife Ilse in Dublin, and they nightclubbed “all over Europe.” Meidan reported this himself and said that he accepted acting as gigolo for the program. A few months later, Meidan suggested to Ilse that a friend of his (apparently Ahituv) wanted to meet Skorzeny. The narrative focus is on the security chief, who meets with Skorzeny in Madrid, and on getting rid of the last of the German scientists.

At the meeting, Skorzeny complained that Simon Wiesenthal has been hunting him and that he would work for Mossad on the scientist problem if given a valid Austrian passport, removal from the Wiesenthal list, a signed letter from Prime Minister Levi Eshkol, and money. Eshkol, who died in 1969, is said to have approved the agreement. Meidan said that it was he who met with Wiesenthal about removing Skorzeny from the war criminal list, but Wiesenthal refused.

On December 9, 1964, Rafi Meidan and (Ben-Gurion protégé and chief of his secret nuclear weapons project) Shimon Peres met with German cabinet minister Franz Josef Strauss with documents supplied by Skorzeny and Vallentin concerning scientific workers from Freiberg who planned to go to Egypt. Germany agreed to get them better jobs, and they did not go to Egypt. In July 1965, the last of the German scientists left Egypt because of German persuasion. Skorzeny remained connected to Mossad until his death and “helped the organization a great deal even after the scientists affair was over.”

Bergman’s book was a New York Times bestseller and had blurbs from the most respected experts. Bergman, who interviewed so many named and important intelligence sources, became the top authority on Israeli special operations. Apparently, no one questioned why he did not write about what Skorzeny was doing for Israel before 1964.

Comment: Why did Mossad wait over a year before dealing with the security chief? Lotz has disappeared from the narrative, but by 1964 all information on the scientists had been provided by Lotz and the Lansky machine. This is clearly a later use of Skorzeny and a different batch of scientists. Krug and Skorzeny are separate stories now, and Skorzeny is not involved with killing Krug. Ben-Gurion is conveniently no longer associated with Skorzeny. Ahituv, who was interviewed, is a new and important figure as Skorzeny’s handler in this 1964 story. But Eitan claimed to be his handler in 1962. Since Operation Damocles kidnappings were conducted for deterrence not for information, why would they take Krug to Tel Aviv?

Meidan commented that Skorzeny was “a key agent in the most important operation waged by Israeli intelligence at the time.” This period includes the capture of Eichmann and the killing of Krug and the 1963 return of the scientists to Germany. It also includes November 1963, when serious attempts to halt production of an Israeli nuclear weapon or to make Zionist donors register as foreign agents came to an abrupt halt after the assassination of President Kennedy.

Note also that, as early as 1958, Rafi Meidan had been in contact with a CIA-organized crime liaison in Washington, D.C., and that, in early 1964, he was head of Amal and had already removed Skorzeny from the top ten “wanted” Nazis list when he visited Ilse in Ireland. This is the fifth version of who killed Krug.

In 2018, Eitan, who is identified by Ganis as one of the “NATO” pair who made the first contact with Skorzeny in Madrid in 1962, was in the process of preparing his own memoir, which was published in 2019 after his death. An abridged version (highly censored and rewritten by several writers to make “an acceptable version” that could satisfy the “security officials”) was published in English in 2022 with the somewhat misleading title Capturing Eichmann: The Memoir of a Mossad Spymaster.

The actual four years of interviews with him are said to have exposed state secrets and are kept in the Mossad archive. The Mossad announced after his death: “The great majority of [Rafi Eitan’s] operations cannot be publicized, but they contributed greatly to the security of the State of Israel.”

Eitan’s new recruitment and “purpose” story is the one recounted in Bergman as the “first” recruitment of Skorzeny. It was Ahituv, working under Eitan, who suggested using Vallentin as a way to recruit Skorzeny; that is, Vallentin, who once worked under Skorzeny, would probably work for them if Skorzeny orders him to do so.

While Eitan was overseeing the 1964 problem with the last group of German scientists, he was also working with Skorzeny on a high-level dialogue between Egypt and Israel. His detailed description of this plan is interesting but not germane here. He said the plan failed because of the hatred between Harel and Amit, whom he likened to Gog and Magog (biblical forces of evil and chaos in the “end times”).

The English version of Eitan’s memoir was not well received in the U.S., where he was viewed as a criminal by the FBI for his part in stealing atomic secrets. (He was Jonathan Pollard’s “handler” and assistant in the theft. Angleton also assisted.) In addition, he was directly involved in the theft of more than 100 pounds of highly enriched uranium from a U.S. nuclear-fuel plant. Eitan said, “I never regretted anything I was involved with.” In the memoir he revealed his own psychopathic personality and absolute devotion to David Ben-Gurion and Ariel Sharon.

Comment: Eitan’s “memoir” was heavily manipulated, but the authentic can be discerned from the massaged. Eitan creates an excuse for Amit not being present at this “first” recruitment. Since Ahituv is working under Eitan, either can be said to be Skorzeny’s “handler.” Vallentin is a red herring, irrelevant for anything related to Krug as he was hired after his assassination.

Pedro de Echave García and Pablo Azorin Williams’s 2020 documentary El hombre más peligroso de Europa: Otto Skorzeny en España touches on events during Skorzeny’s time in Spain. Evidence is presented suggesting that Skorzeny did know Heinz Krug. Nazi hunter Zuroff is also interviewed and is adamant that Skorzeny did not deserve to be removed from the Wiesenthal war crimes list.

Of particular interest is the film clip of Eichmann at his 1961 trial in Jerusalem mentioning his contact with Skorzeny, which confirms that Harel was probably investigating Skorzeny for possible capture. There is also the implication that Skorzeny asked for and was given a letter of protection from Prime Minister Ben-Gurion. Yossi Melman reports that he interviewed Skorzeny. The film highlights the irreconcilable divergence of opinion among Israeli Skorzeny experts about what he was doing and when.

The more deceit is practiced, the more tangled the web becomes as we move into the 2020s. In September 2020, Rabbi Simcha Stern wrote a lengthy piece for Mishpacha called “A Plague on Their House?” in which he reviewed in colorful detail the terrible disasters that befell the Kennedy family: “In the Jewish world, many believe that the ‘Kennedy Curse’ began during the Holocaust….Rav Aharon Kotler had asked Joe Kennedy, who had President Roosevelt’s ear, for assistance in obtaining certificates for European Jews and to help lobby the president to work on saving them. Kennedy, a rabid anti-Semite, refused, and Rav Aharon cursed him that he should never see joy from his descendants. Other versions attribute the curse to Rav Yosef Yitzchak Schneersohn, the previous Lubavitcher Rebbe, or to the Ponevezher Rav….As episode after tragic episode piled up, it became increasingly difficult to dismiss the losses as misadventures or miscalculation.”

The Jewish Press, April 28, 2021, reported that Wolfgang Lotz had in fact done what Skorzeny was supposedly recruited to do: “[The Israeli spy] also managed to infiltrate the innermost circles of the Nazi SS and to compile a comprehensive list of the leading former Nazi scientists working for the Egyptians, which included precise details of their assigned tasks, their Cairo addresses, and the locations of their families back in Germany and Austria.” And: “Lotz wrote menacing anonymous letters to the scientists naming their wives and children and advising them that, if they valued the lives of their families, it would be very much in their interests to cease working for the Egyptians.” 

Hank Albarelli Jr.’s compendium Coup in Dallas was also published in 2021, with discussion of bits of U.S. intelligence cutout Pierre Lafitte’s notebook from spring 1963, when the assassination groundwork was laid in Dallas by Skorzeny and the U.S. cabal. For example, in April 1963, patsy Lee Oswald was moved to New Orleans, where there was more anti-Castro and organized crime activity than in Dallas itself. Nightclub owner Jacob Rubinstein was as high as the national crime syndicate got in Dallas.

Attempting to Square the Circle: Stern

In September 2021 Rabbi Stern (with assistance from Rebecca Ginsburg) took on the impossible task of melding the divergent stories about the recruitment of Skorzeny, especially those of Raviv and Melman 2016 and Bergman 2018, in a lengthy article in Mishpacha called “Free Agent.” He validates Raviv and Melman as “the most well-connected investigators into the history and escapades of the Mossad.” He claims they “uncovered information verifying that Skorzeny was not only recruited as a Mossad operative but actually pulled the trigger on an enemy scientist as part of an Israeli espionage plot to thwart the development of Egyptian missiles targeting Israel in the early 1960s.”

If this is true, then all the award-winning expertise of Bergman is in question. But Stern bravely moves along with the narrative: Skorzeny was on Mossad’s hit list, but Mossad chief Harel decided to hire him to work for them. Stern digresses with an extensive biography of Skorzeny and his positive qualities. Stern comments, “Skorzeny’s many contacts from both before and after the war gave him access to all sorts of business opportunities,” including arms trafficking and “special operations warfare.” He moves seamlessly into Skorzeny’s work for Egypt in which “Skorzeny became friendly with the Egyptian officers running Nasser’s missile program and with the German experts in the country’s employ.”

Stern then describes the problem with the Egyptian missile program and the German scientists. Mossad chief Harel went on “high alert,” and thanks to “a Mossad double agent named Wolfgang Lotz” and becoming aware of the details that “imperiled the very existence of the Jewish state, he prioritized a response plan called Operation Damocles, [which] took the form of threatening notes and phone calls, plus much more lethal harassment, including letter bombs and assassination attempts.”

“It was during this period that Skorzeny came into surprising direct contact with his ideological arch enemy—Israel.” Without specifically naming Skorzeny, Stern mentions the November 1962 parcel bombs sent to Pilz, the February 1963 assassination attempt on Kleinwachter, and the March 1963 intimidation of Goercke’s daughter. He then discusses Krug’s abduction, which, of course, happened in September 1962, before the other three violent events. He calls this “the most unbelievable chapter in Otto Skorzeny’s checkered career—his unlikely partnership with the Mossad.”

Stern writes that Skorzeny was on “Wiesenthal’s hit list and topped the Mossad’s list as well.”

Harel began “a formal plan to eliminate him” but then “decided to think out of the box” and concluded Mossad could use an inside man in Egypt they could count on, “someone thorough and determined, with a record of success in executing innovative plans and skilled at keeping secrets,” Stern quoting Melman. Skorzeny could provide access to “the Nazi scientists—and he would be in a position to harass and even kill them.”

The person charged with recruiting him was “Joe Ra’anan, an Austrian Jew who lost his family in the Holocaust and barely escaped with his own life.” Ra’anan found the idea disgusting, but he “set up preoperational surveillance in Madrid, locating Skorzeny’s home, workplace, and observing his daily routine.” The recruitment took place in 1962 in a Madrid bar where the Skorzenys met some tourists who had been robbed, and then the Raviv and Melman story is recounted in full detail.

Skorzeny is recruited by threat, with the Mossad “wife” saying, “If you kill us, the ones who come next won’t bother to have a drink with you. You won’t even see their faces before they blow out your brains. Our offer to you is just for you to help us.”

Skorzeny agrees and won’t accept payment except for being removed from the Wiesenthal list. Wiesenthal refused, “and so the Mossad, with characteristic chutzpah, forged a letter from Wiesenthal to Skorzeny that he’d been pardoned.” Apparently, Skorzeny fell for it.

Ra’anan then assigned the direct management of Skorzeny to Ahituv, “an agent stationed in Cairo,” and Eitan. Eitan confirmed to Melman and Raviv that he “met and ran Skorzeny,” although he refused to elaborate. Stern notes parenthetically that “Eitan passed away in March 2019, taking all his secrets with him, and all the other players are long gone as well, as are many of the secret archives. Still, each of the investigators stands by their version of this little-known chapter in Israel’s spy history.”

The September 11, 1962, Skorzeny murder of Krug is then recounted, and Stern must square this story with Ronen Bergman’s versions that deny Skorzeny’s use in 1962. He calls Bergman “a top-tier researcher on Israel’s spy community” and adds that Bergman “believes Krug’s murderer wasn’t Skorzeny but Isser Harel himself.” He continues that Krug was not literally murdered by Harel (oh, okay) but kidnapped by him and his team, taken to Israel, and killed there by “one of Harel’s men.”

Stern then adds that, according to Bergman, “Skorzeny was recruited much later by Rafi Eitan, after Isser Harel no longer headed the spy organization.” (Emphasis added) Stern says that the scientists were gone by the end of 1963.

Stern comments that, after Harel’s March 1963 debacle over the intimidation of Goercke’s daughter, Ben-Gurion decided to give up violence directed at the German scientists as “detrimental to Israel’s image,” because he was cultivating good relations with West Germany, “which had agreed to supply the Jewish state with arms and other reparations.”

Regarding Israeli politics related to Germans, “opposition leader Menachem Begin [was attacking] Ben-Gurion for not doing enough to stop the life-endangering threat posed by the Germans and for bringing Israel into a conciliation with West Germany when the Holocaust wounds were still so fresh.” In response, Ben-Gurion fired Harel because he too was highly focused on the Nazi “German threat.”

Damocles head Yitzhak Shamir quit Mossad after Harel was fired, but Eitan did not and continued to work under new Mossad/Aman chief Meir Amit. Ben-Gurion saw Arabs, not Nazis—as he emphasized in his increasingly desperate exchange of letters with President Kennedy preceding his own resignation— as the contemporary threat to Israeli security and an Israeli atomic weapon as a necessity.

“Amit did try to use Skorzeny one last time, to arrange a meeting with a high-ranking Egyptian official to explore the possibility of peace negotiations.” (Emphasis added) It did not work out.

Stern says that “Skorzeny never relinquished his dreams of a German army based in Spain or distanced himself from neo-Nazi groups.” He adds that, “according to [Eitan’s] own memoirs—which, granted, he highly sanitized—[Skorzeny] was a ruthless warrior but wasn’t an indiscriminate murderer of Jews.”

Comment: The circle cannot be squared though the waters can be filled with squid ink. Krug’s abduction happened in September 1962, i.e., before the other three violent events Stern describes. He says the person who recruited Skorzeny was Joe (aka Yosef) Ra’anan, not Harel or Eitan or Meidan or Ahituv or Kurt Weisman or Josef Reisman, invalidating other narratives. In addition, it is well known that Harel did not use women as agents. Was Ahituv an agent in Cairo in 1962 along with Lotz? Bergman places Skorzeny’s first recruitment as being in 1964, after Stern says all the scientists were gone, which was around the time of the JFK assassination. If Amit used Skorzeny one last time to arrange a meeting with a high-ranking Egyptian official to explore the possibility of peace negotiations that would have been in 1964 (described in Eitan’s memoir and in Bergman as Amit’s only year to use Skorzeny). When did Amit use him earlier and for what purpose?

Lotz never mentions Ahituv as an Israeli agent in Cairo in 1962. The “March 1963 debacle over the intimidation of Goercke’s daughter” (by Joklik and Ben-Gal, overseen by Joe Ra’anan) exposed Mossad’s German assassination operation as well as Egypt’s importing radioactive material and led to Ben-Gurion resigning as prime minister. Because of Egypt’s radioactive plans, demands for an Israeli nuclear weapon escalated. At the same time, Soviet Premier Khrushchev was proposing a nuclear-free Mediterranean zone that resonated with President Kennedy. It is certainly true that, within Mossad in 1963, there was an intense high-level debate about using a former Nazi, responsible for the deaths of thousands of Jews, for Israeli “special operations,” even in support of the Jewish state’s existential survival. Harel lost the debate and became a convenient scapegoat thereafter.

Further Attempts at Alchemy: Gold and Orbach

Rabbi Stern did his alchemical best to reconcile the two irreconcilable Israeli “first” contacts with Skorzeny for apparently two different purposes in two different years into one consistent tale. It was especially difficult, as the sources for the two latest versions were acclaimed Israeli historians.

In a 2021 lecture, Trudy Gold, respected historian and long-time head of the London Jewish Cultural Centre, mixed up matters further when she claimed that, in 1963, “Otto Skorzeny is recruited by the Mossad, and this is confirmed by Harel in his book. Otto Skorzeny…would have become well-known to whom? Of course, to Lotz.” Yet Lotz never mentions him in his memoir. He would also be known to former Nazi Joklik, who was a prisoner in Upper Austria and worked in Egypt for four months. Which book of Harel’s is she referring to?

In 2021 Gold also asserted: “[Krug] was assassinated by Skorzeny.” This, despite her having stated that Skorzeny was recruited in 1963, while Krug disappeared in 1962. In addition, she says that “[Skorzeny] also mailed the letter bomb that killed five Egyptians.” That bomb was also sent in 1962, when Lotz admitted to mailing a letter bomb to Pilz in Egypt. While Eitan scoffed at anyone who would send a letter bomb, which no one could control and might harm an innocent, former Stern gang terrorist (and future Israeli prime minister) Shamir was an expert on letter bombs and headed Operation Damocles. (His group had sent a letter bomb to President Truman in 1947.)

In addition, Gold stated: “[Skorzeny] also supplied the names of Nazi scientists and their addresses in Europe.” We know that Lotz was quite capable of doing this and admitted doing so and that the security guard also did this later.

And, finally, Gold said that Skorzeny decided to buy a farm in Ireland in the late 1960s. In fact, he bought it in 1959, rarely visited it after 1963, and sold it in 1971. Is she trying to hide what went on at the immense Irish estate in 1963? (Perhaps John Kennedy’s good friend Grant Stockdale, who socialized with Ilse and Otto Skorzeny when he was ambassador to Ireland, suspected something about what went on there. But he got depressed and fell out of a high rise shortly after November 22, 1963.)

In 2023 Gold gave another talk on the same subject. This time she said “[Skorzeny] was probably the man behind the assassination of Krug.” It is only a slight difference from 2021, but it is clear: She is trying to make everything fit together that doesn’t. Purposely or inadvertently, she is getting tangled in Israel’s web of deceit.

She wrote: “Two Mossad agents were arrested in Switzerland for threatening the daughter of a West German electronics expert who was working at Factory 333. They were also arrested for coercion on behalf of a foreign state. Were they involved in the abduction of Krug, who had disappeared?” Gold was a renowned historian. The agents threatening Heidi Goercke in 1963 were Joklik and Ben-Gal. Joklik had not left Egypt for Vienna until after the Krug abduction in 1962.  

Comment: We are full circle with Harel’s statement about 1963 as the year of Skorzeny’s recruitment by Mossad. Which book of Harel’s is Gold referring to? Does Harel state in his book exactly who recruited Skorzeny for Mossad? (His books, other than one on the Eichmann capture, are in Hebrew only.) His point may be that it was not he who recruited Skorzeny, even if Eitan and perhaps Joe Ra’anan contacted him in 1962. In 1963 Mossad was headed first by Harel but then by Amit. Perhaps Skorzeny was not finally “recruited” until Amit became chief.

Although Bergman said he relied on interviews because documents would not be available for 70 years, another Israeli historian, Danny Orbach (Ph.D. from Harvard, professor at Hebrew University), received “extensive classified records” concerning the recruitment of Skorzeny for the purpose of getting rid of the German scientists. Not surprisingly, these documents confirmed what Bergman published in 2018. In 2022 Orbach published Fugitives: A History of Nazi Mercenaries During the Cold War.

Orbach’s story is long, detailed and colorful. The date of the first Skorzeny recruitment is again October 1964. A significant unique addition is: “The first hint that Israel received on Skorzeny came from a man named Steinbiechler, an Austrian engineer who worked in the Egyptian program while moonlighting as a Mossad source. He told his handlers that he was in touch with Skorzeny, a famous SS commando leader.” (Emphasis added)

According to Orbach, Rafi Eitan was Skorzeny’s principal handler. They got along well. The “hook” used by the Mossad to recruit Skorzeny to recruit Vallentin was Skorzeny’s “beautiful wife, Countess Ilse von Finkenstein, with whom he was in an open relationship.” Eitan sent the head of Amal, Rafi Meidan, who like Eitan was of German background and was reported to be handsome and influential “on women of a certain age.” “Through an intermediary, Meidan introduced himself to the countess as an employee of the Israeli Defense Ministry, currently on leave and looking for options to invest in international tourism.” Their first meeting was in Dublin, and they hit it off socially.

On October 7, 1964, Meidan told Ilse that a “senior security official from his country wanted to meet her husband regarding a matter of state, of the utmost importance and having nothing to do with the colonel’s Nazi past.” (Meidan was in fact head of Amal at the time.) Skorzeny agreed to meet immediately. For this meeting Eitan selected another high-level operative from a German background, Avraham Ahituv. Ahituv told Orbach that he hated German Nazis and did not like this job.

Ahituv and Meidan met the Skorzenys in the lobby of a luxurious hotel in Madrid. Ahituv wrote concerning the meeting with Skorzeny: “We remained in the hotel lobby. Our conversation took place [for two hours and 15 minutes], mostly in English.” Ahituv said he brought up the Holocaust, differentiating between “criminals” and “officers” such as Skorzeny. Skorzeny claimed that he took no part in the Holocaust. He told Ahituv that, “until their meeting, he knew little on Israel but liked this small, daring country, a novelty for the Jewish people” whose inhabitants “excel in physical work.” He thought Israel was the solution to anti-Semitism, and he could not understand why all Jews did not immigrate there. He was impressed that “Jews led all Communist parties and espionage rings.” Ahituv said he “explained the reasons for this phenomenon.” When Meidan came to see how things were going, he found Ahituv and Skorzeny “absorbed in a conversation on the Jewish problem.”

This conversation led to recruitment. Skorzeny boasted of his friendship with Nasser and some of the leading scientists in Egypt. Ahituv then asked Skorzeny whether he knew the security officer Hermann Vallentin, who was once his subordinate, implying that the Mossad wanted to recruit him. Skorzeny cautioned against such a direct approach and offered to recruit the security officer to a “Western intelligence service,” making him a duped agent of Israel.

Skorzeny did not ask for money and other things as reported by Bergman but only to have Israel publicize the fact that his memoirs were already published in Hebrew so that they might be published in West Germany. Ahituv and Eitan thought they had to meet this request, but Skorzeny’s role in Kristallnacht became a consideration at the highest level, including with Prime Minister Eshkol. Ahituv dissuaded Skorzeny from making a demand that would focus on his Nazi activities. Skorzeny promised “not to burden” his Israeli allies in the future. Skorzeny did ask to be removed from the Wiesenthal list. Wiesenthal refused, but Skorzeny agreed to work for Israel anyway.

Skorzeny’s recruitment of Vallentin received extended embellishment in Orbach. By December 1964 Vallentin had told his handlers almost everything they wanted to know about the Egyptian rocket program, giving up-to-date, authentic, and sometimes surprising, material. He told the Mossad that the German team failed to develop a working guidance system for their rockets.

Orbach wrote that, “from time to time, Skorzeny would meet his handler…for long nocturnal conversations in his office, in a restaurant or bar, or while walking in the street.”

As Orbach concluded: “The ability of human beings to adapt is marvelous, indeed sometimes painfully so.”

Comment: Ganis wrote that on first recruitment Skorzeny asked to have his memoirs published in Israel, which indicates Orbach is reporting on a later contact, as they are already published in Israel. Prime Minister Eshkol’s reaction may reflect that he was oblivious to Skorzeny’s recruitment under Ben-Gurion. Skorzeny’s agreeing to work for Mossad, despite still being on the Wiesenthal list, means he was very confident of them or that he had no choice. Could Eitan or Meidan or Ra’anan or Ahituv or whoever was his handler actually have met with Skorzeny in public as claimed here?

Vallentin here tells Mossad in 1964 that the Germans were unable to build a rocket guidance system. But Israeli intelligence leaders, including Yitzhak Rabin, reported this to the CIA when they met in Washington, D.C., in November 1963, just before the JFK assassination (!)

Significantly, this is the first mention of an Austrian engineer in Egypt, who was a Mossad spy and who was the first to suggest using Skorzeny. This describes Austrian “engineer” Joklik in 1962, when he worked for Egypt and then Mossad. Joklik had been an artillery captain in the German army.

According to Eitan, Mossad, with electronic equipment provided by Meyer Lansky, was able to intercept the German scientists’ mail. In the process they discovered former Nazi Otto Joklik was seeking Cobalt-60 for the Egyptians. Harel sought to also target him, but after Krug disappeared, Joklik turned himself in to the Israelis in Vienna.

To save his skin, Joklik became an Operation Damocles asset, pressuring German scientists to leave, until he was caught and tried in 1963. Joklik was “always elegantly dressed, usually wearing dark glasses, almost always equipped with an expensive car, and no one knows where the money came from.” It is unlikely he left Egypt because of conscience but “was primarily interested in money.”

Harel withheld his recruitment of Joklik from Amit, who found out and demanded an investigation of Joklik’s credibility regarding Egyptian acquisition of material for making nuclear bombs.

Joklik turned out to be a con artist and not a real scientist. Nonetheless, he may have been involved in illegal weapons procurement and had been in touch with the Egyptians since 1958. (After the scientists’ affair, in 1964 Egypt prosecuted him for taking money to provide vehicles that never materialized.) During the war, Joklik was taken prisoner by the British in the Traunsee area of Upper Austria, where high-level Nazis congregated, and it is not inconceivable that Joklik, during debriefing, told Eitan that he knew Otto Skorzeny. During Ben-Gurion’s crucial March 1963 “vacation,” he might have decided to use Skorzeny for Operation Lancelot, which Harel would have violently opposed, leading to his departure as head of Mossad.

Meidan would only be surprised that Skorzeny immediately agreed to meet if he was ignorant of earlier work Skorzeny had done for Mossad. Skorzeny telling Ahituv that he previously knew little about Israel denies his Mossad connection before 1964. It is likely that Meidan and Ahituv, who were interviewed and who worked with Skorzeny in 1964 under Eitan, knew little or nothing about his 1962-63 work for Mossad, unlike Eitan, himself.

Orbach writes that “the Egyptian rocket program was a matter of life and death,” but certainly, the discontinuation of the Dimona project was seen by Prime Minister Ben-Gurion as even more of an existential threat.

The Web Untangled

“The German scientists affair was the first time the Mossad mobilized all its forces to stop what it perceived as an existential threat from an adversary and the first time Israel allowed itself to target citizens from countries with which it had diplomatic relations.”

—Israeli historian Ronen Bergman, Rise Up and Kill First, 2018

“Those who participate in existential wars must use all means, fair or foul, to protect their homeland, and the Israelis back then certainly believed that thwarting the Egyptian rocket program was a matter of life and death.”

—Israeli historian Danny Orbach, Fugitives, 2022

Analysis of the narratives describing former Nazi Colonel Otto Skorzeny’s work for Mossad in the early 1960s leads to the conclusion that, by early 1963, Israeli Prime Minister Ben-Gurion, who believed his nation to be under existential threat, used him and his paramilitary Paladin group to design and carry out the assassination of U.S. President John Kennedy in Operation Lancelot. He did this with the acquiescence of Mossad/IDF chief Meir Amit and in conspiracy with a small CIA-connected cabal, headed by Allen Dulles, and the national crime syndicate, headed by Meyer Lansky. The “crisis of the German scientists,” although genuine, appears to be a cover for Skorzeny’s actual employment as a coup maker. Let’s look closer.

Irreconcilable Stories Indicates Intention to Deceive

The mishmash of documents and interview-based narratives about the Mossad’s use of the former Nazi commando leads to the inescapable conclusion that, in reporting on his activities for Mossad, there was an intention to deceive as to his real activities. Muddying the waters sufficiently invites acceptance of a simplified account. But with a close analysis of the various versions, a clear picture emerges.

The 2018 Skorzeny recruitment versions of Ganis (who had personal documents), Bergman (who had interviews), Eitan (who had first-hand experience), and Harel (who knew) makes it literally impossible to reconcile the Skorzeny-Mossad narratives, both among themselves and with previous reporters such as Raviv and Melman, Black and Morris. Later reporters, such as Stern, Gold and Orbach, have only piled complication on complication when they claimed to report the truth. All have been promoted by authorities and the press as the ultimate experts, but their stories do not and cannot be made to jibe.

Conflating Episodes in 1962, 1963 and 1964; Lotz and Shamir As a Cover Story

Eitan exposed Mossad’s use of Skorzeny when he said he “handled” him in 1962. Eitan contradicted himself in his highly manipulated 2019 memoir and places the handling in 1964, when Bergman and Orbach do. Harel and others wrote that he was hired in 1963. The journalistic and historical accounts of Skorzeny working for Mossad clearly conflate entirely different episodes: one in 1962-63, related to persuading the first batch of German scientists to leave Egypt, and one in 1964, related to persuading a new batch of German scientists to leave or not go to Egypt. The latter batch is the one that involves information from the security guard “Vallentin.” The former group of German scientists is the one that Skorzeny was first said to have been recruited to spy on and/or intimidate. He may have been contacted in 1962 but not actually used until 1963. Conflating these episodes has been one major way that the true story of what the former Nazi commando did for Mossad has been concealed.

The purpose behind the “first” recruitment of Skorzeny has also been disguised. All the things that the Skorzeny narratives claim that Skorzeny was doing for Mossad were in fact accomplished by Harel’s own Damocles group, headed by former Stern gang terrorist (and later Israeli prime minister) Yitzhak Shamir, or by the Israeli spy Wolfgang Lotz. Shamir planning and Joe Ra’anan managing the murder of Heinz Krug is quite plausible. (In 1965 Moroccan activist Mehdi Ben Barka was lured by Mossad from Switzerland to France, where he was killed, in a scenario similar to that described in Rise and Kill First for the Krug abduction.)

As far as getting information on the German scientists for the purpose of intimidation, Lotz in Egypt confessed to acquiring the information and sending letter bombs. It is likely that Lotz, who, according to Black and Morris, was in Europe at the time and handled by someone called Yosef (Joe Ra’anan, if not his original handler Yosef Yariv), assisted in the abduction of Heinz Krug by meeting him as a friend and introducing him to an “Arab” businessman intermediary, who took him to the house where he was killed.

Self-proclaimed conscience defector Otto Joklik could be “Steinbiechler” in Orbach’s Mossad files, who first connected Skorzeny with Mossad, shortly after the Shamir murder of Heinz Krug. Eitan, who worked for Harel then and later for Amit, went to see Skorzeny in Madrid after this suggestion from “Steinbiechler.”

The activities of Lotz are a cover for what Skorzeny was supposed to be doing during 1962 and 1963 for Mossad. The activities with security guard Vallentin were no doubt useful in 1964 when Skorzeny did a smaller job for Israel.

Shamir, Ra’anan and Lotz’s Damocles activities with the scientists are also used to cover for what Skorzeny was actually doing at that time: discussing a scenario for getting rid of existential threat President Kennedy. Joklik’s activation disrupted Damocles and ended Harel’s Nazi hunting while inciting panic among Israelis about Egypt’s nuclear plans.

While the intimidated German scientists were gradually leaving Egypt, Ben-Gurion had more serious national security fears related to President Kennedy, who was thwarting his plans for acquiring a nuclear weapon. Egyptians and Arabs were of far greater concern to him than Germans or Nazis. Moshe Dayan was eventually able to steer the panic away from the German scientists and toward the Egyptians themselves.

In the early 1960s Ben-Gurion was in serious cognitive decline, with rages, impaired judgment, and extreme forgetfulness (see Tom Segev, A State at Any Cost). The father of Israel, who immigrated to Palestine from Poland in 1906, was collaborating with German Chancellor Adenauer to secure perpetual reparations and arms support. Harel’s Damocles operation was annoying the Germans, while Ben-Gurion was increasingly irritated by the Kennedy clan.

Ben-Gurion was as obsessed with getting a nuclear weapon as President Kennedy and his new CIA chief were with nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. His exchange of letters with President Kennedy, in which Kennedy insisted on inspections and his CIA chief threatened sanctions while the Kennedys cozied up to anti-nuclear rival Golda Meir, exasperated and infuriated him. The Kennedys were anti-Semites.

Whether Steinbiechler/Joklik was working for Israeli intelligence or for Skorzeny or just on his own when he perhaps proposed that Skorzeny might help the Zionist state is an intriguing question. The availability of the famed coup and assassination planner was too much for aging insomniac Ben-Gurion to pass up.

According to Ganis, Angleton learned of Mossad’s plan to use Skorzeny in 1962. Ben-Gurion and Angleton likely immediately began discussions about a possible joint Lancelot Operation. There ensued the epic battle between bitter intelligence rivals Harel and Amit that Eitan likened to the biblical struggle between Gog and Magog. Harel opposed the audacious plan to use a Nazi and resigned when the prime minister said he did trust his understanding. Ben-Gurion stunned him by accepting his resignation.

Eitan had worked under his “puritanical” cousin Harel. Although Shamir resigned with Harel, Eitan did not. Like Skorzeny he had an unscrupulous passion for undertaking daring operations.

Eitan was later the “handler” on the spot for Jonathan Pollard and stole nuclear material from the United States. Eitan writes, regarding recruiting Skorzeny, that there are “quite a few people who held various positions in the government or in Nazi forces who might serve our purposes.” Eitan describes Skorzeny as never expressing animosity toward Jews. He clearly admired him as “a soldier of the first grade.”

Ben-Gurion hated upstart John Kennedy and feared the Kennedys would become a dynasty. Robert Kennedy had already insisted major Israeli fundraisers, such as Abe Feinberg and AIPAC, register as foreign agents. The popular U.S. president had to go, and quickly, while Lyndon Johnson, a long-time close friend of Israel was still the vice chief. Skorzeny presented a brief window of opportunity for Operation Lancelot.

As Harel himself noted, Ben-Gurion worked unilaterally, with only brief suggestions made to subordinates to get what he wanted done. He did not have to go through the Knesset or any party or advisers to create policy. By March 1963 Ben-Gurion appointed Amit Mossad and IDF chief.

Very few, even in Mossad, likely knew about Ben-Gurion’s plan for Skorzeny.

Just Two Crazy People Together?

Many now consider Angleton the mastermind of the Kennedy assassination. He was not. Skorzeny and Ben-Gurion were. Angleton then involved the CIA’s former director Allen Dulles and former deputy director Charles P. Cabell. Above them stood the Rockefellers and Rothschilds, who had to approve the plan to remove Kennedy. The joint chiefs and the vice president and a few others had to be “on board” without knowing who was behind it.

Angleton was, however, the primary U.S. connection with Israel and had a principal role in the deceptive aspects of the assassination. He was just as obsessed with Communists as Ben-Gurion was with Arabs and Kennedys. Angleton conflated communism with socialism and social democracy and had worked to support Nazi ratlines and Zionist arms deals in Rome after the war. He was a natural-born fascist.

Various biographies discuss Angleton’s paranoid and obsessive personality disorder and mental breakdown in the 1960s. In 1962-63, contact between Ben-Gurion and Angleton could be described (apologies to Rogers and Hart) as “just two crazy people together.”

Angleton’s eventual assigned tasks in the assassination were overseeing the intricate legend and placement of Lee Oswald, coordinating with Lansky’s national crime syndicate, and overseeing the subsequent cover-up. Super cutout Pierre Lafitte, who organized aspects of production on the ground, was an Angleton protégé. In 1975 after Angleton was fired from the CIA, he became fully alcoholic and significantly revealed, “a mansion has many rooms; I was not privy to who struck John,” which describes the intensely compartmentalized nature of the masterful Skorzeny assassination plot.

We now understand much about the role of the Dulles/Angleton cabal and organized crime in setting up Oswald and carrying out the assassination cover-up. The Skorzeny papers indicate that the Nazi colonel’s Paladin group of Ireland-trained East European paramilitary snipers, headed by Jean Souetre, carried out the actual killing.

What we have not known until now is how this domestic cabal came to use the Skorzeny group to murder their own president. Hitler’s commando was “officially” working for Israel at the time, not for the domestic cabal. At the same time, Israel was not involved in the actual events in the United States, while Skorzeny never set foot on U.S. soil. Everyone involved had plausible deniability, except the actual snipers, who instantly disappeared from the scene. Only Jean Souetre left a trace, when he was picked up and released. When it came down to it, the shooters were all foreigners with fascist connections. They were neither CIA nor Mossad. They were not mafiosi or communists but paramilitary professionals. Israel’s only direct connection to the operation was via Vice President Johnson, who was a compartmentalized collaborator, and through Lansky’s minion Jacob Rubinstein (aka Jack Ruby), who finally killed the patsy.

Ruby was the weakest link. When he began to talk about “the Jews” and a feared pogrom, he got very sick and died. Propaganda such as The Godfather falsely portrayed Lansky as only (an expendable) mob accountant while powerful Italian Mafia families were nefarious Kennedy-hating criminals. The film Lansky was accurate in many ways, including portraying him as the CEO of organized crime who desired to retire in Israel. But it left out Lansky’s most significant contribution to the Jewish state: funding and providing leg work for the Kennedy assassination and cover-up.

Skorzeny Mastermind

Hitler’s favorite commando, well known not only for his daring raids for the Fuhrer but for his subsequent private paramilitary operations on behalf of anti-democratic forces associated with Gladio operations in Algeria, Africa and Cuba, was conveniently available to Israel in the early 1960s—for capture, trial and execution or for use of his expertise. Ben-Gurion himself was conveniently no longer in office in November 1963, though he was in March 1963 when the assassination was decided on. Ben-Gurion also conveniently never received Kennedy’s last letter to him, which brushed off his existential concerns. Kennedy, while reasonably fearing his generals and even the CIA, did not take Ben-Gurion seriously.

Skorzeny wrote the script and provided and directed the primary actors for the Kennedy assassination. The Dallas snipers’ triangular physical set-up mirrored that of the Petit-Calmart set-up for the de Gaulle assassination attempt, complete with a signal of approaching presidential vehicle: a pointing newspaper for de Gaulle and an opening umbrella for JFK. (Umbrella Man also referenced Kennedy clan antisemitism/the Kennedy Curse and was a tell-tale signature of Ben-Gurion’s authorship of the most historic political assassination since King Hamlet.)

Israeli National Security and Assassinations

The Zionists before and after Isser Harel are well known for preferring assassination as a method of political change. They usually have done it themselves. In this case, as with Ben Barka in 1965, their national security required them not to be implicated. The CIA was experienced at using Skorzeny’s services while avoiding its own implication in assassinations. Angleton created a Communist-related cover story for his patsy. If need be, anti-Castro Cubans or the Mafia or lower-level rogue intelligence could be blamed. The new president preferred a lone nut narrative. As a last resort, a nebulous patriotic “command-and-control” capacity, necessary to halt Kennedy’s own treason related to an affair with a Communist-bloc woman could be invoked, as Ganis himself chose to endorse.

The conflicting stories about how they used Otto Skorzeny that have been offered by Israeli sources analyzed here are just one aspect of whatever was happening between Ben-Gurion and Skorzeny in the early 1960s. Overall, Israeli assassination proclivities and national security concerns are also relevant. As Ronen Bergman wrote in Rise Up and Kill, “Since World War II Israel has assassinated more people than any other country in the Western world.” They prefer “removing a leader in order to change the course of history.” This has certainly been shown to be true: Removing a real leader, such as John Kennedy, has indeed changed the course of history—and not for the better.

Only two people got everything they wanted from the Kennedy assassination. Cognitively declining and retired father of Israel David Ben-Gurion got an end to Egyptian power, an Israeli nuclear weapon, not having Israeli lobbyists register as foreign agents, and a powerful ally in the White House. Otto Skorzeny got to live a wealthy, normal life span (for a smoker) with no more worries about Wiesenthal or Israeli Nazi hunters.

The daring instigators and mastermind of the crime of the millennium murdered the commander in chief of the United States and avoided responsibility for it, eventually gaining control of the entire nation.

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